Japan’s greatest monster, Godzilla, turns 70 on November 3, 2024, the anniversary of the first movie to feature the character. Godzilla (1954) was a stark exercise in processing the trauma of the Nagasaki and Hiroshima bombings, but its success inspired the longest-running film franchise in history, with 37 sequels.

The many Godzilla movies made by Toho, one of Japan’s biggest film studios, reflect the country’s complex history as victims of the only nuclear bombings and as a rapidly developing economy in the 20th century.

The two most recent live-action films, Shin Godzilla (2016) and Godzilla Minus One (2023), updated these themes for this century. They respectively criticised the response to the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami and Fukushima meltdown. The films nostalgically captured a resurgent Japanese nationalism.

Of all 38 movies, I believe these five are the best lesser-known Godzilla films to watch for a mega-monster-marathon.

1. King Kong vs. Godzilla (1962)

Godzilla first met his American counterpoint, King Kong, long before their recent showdowns in the two American Godzilla vs. Kong movies.

King Kong vs. Godzilla (1962) began life as King Kong vs. Frankenstein. The brainchild of American special effects luminary Willis O’Brien, it found its way to Japan when Hollywood studios passed on it. In changing Frankenstein to Godzilla, the film became a criticism of the 1960 security treaty between the US and Japan. But it developed into a scathing criticism of rampant consumerism in modernising Japan, focusing on a big pharmaceutical company’s effort to exploit Kong for ratings.

The result is a widescreen spectacular that mashes together popular trends from 1960s Japan, puroresu (pro-wrestling) and its sensational stars. It set the tone for the rest of the 1960s Godzilla movies but is not unproblematic, as it features Japanese actors in brownface as Polynesian islanders.

2. Godzilla vs. Hedorah (1971)

This Godzilla film is one of the most idiosyncratic. Part animated with psychedelic nightclub scenes, it was the only film directed by Yoshimitsu Banno, who was later instrumental in bringing Godzilla to Hollywood in the 2010s.

A tiny tadpole falls to Earth and grows huge feeding on polluted oceans. Hedorah, taking is name from the Japanese word for slime, launches gruesome acid rain attacks on people and animals. Step forward environmental protector Godzilla, now far from a metaphor for the atomic bomb, to fight off the smog monster.

Non-existent environmental policies in Japan made it one of the world’s most polluted nations by the late 1960s. Abandoning traditional spiritual respect for the land, the country’s pursuit of economic progress inspired the growing environmental awareness of Godzilla movies. But it is also directly critical of a hypocritical young generation who preached respect for the environment but ended up totally incapable of protecting it.

3. Godzilla vs. Biollante (1989)

Godzilla vs. Biollante was developed from a dentist’s entry to a story competition that aimed to reignite the series after the lukewarm reception of Godzilla in 1984. It was partly inspired by The Little Shop of Horrors (1986).

After the monster’s Tokyo rampage, Japanese scientists and predatory American biotech companies fight over Godzilla’s cells to develop either genetically modified crops or weapons. But, after his daughter is killed in a terrorist attack, one of the researchers secretly merges a rose he believes houses her soul with some of the “G-cells”. It becomes Biollante, a giant mutated plant.

While it is still concerned with nuclear energy – the 1986 Chernobyl disaster took place during its development – the film is more focused on biotechnology and the global race for domination.

Japanese industry was changing in the 1980s, away from polluting manufacturing. Deregulation led to a massive growth in pharmaceuticals, but behind this were continued tensions between the US and Japan.

4. Godzilla, Mothra and King Ghidorah: Giant Monsters All-Out Attack (2001)

This film is a fan favourite and a radical writing of the monster’s origins, reuniting Godzilla with two of his main adversaries, the goddess Mothra and the three-headed alien dragon King Ghidorah. This is one of the few times these giant creatures are imagined as more traditional kami, protective spirits who typically inhabit places and influence nature.

Japanese researchers, such as Yomota Inuhiko, have interpreted Godzilla in this film as a vision of the wartime dead and the guilt carried by those who survived and enjoyed post-war prosperity.

Japan has long struggled to reflect on the events of the second world war, and this is also controversially reflected in Godzilla Minus One. In the film, former soldiers are given a second chance to fight off an aggressive invader, after their defeat by the US the first-time round.

5. Godzilla: Final Wars (2004)

This 50th anniversary celebration, directed by cult auteur Ryuhei Kitamura, is a mash up of all of Tōhō’s kaijū (the Japanese term meaning “strange beasts” that is usually used to describe these giant creatures). It’s great fun to see the real Japanese Godzilla smash Hollywood’s reviled attempt at the monster into the Sydney Opera House. Nevertheless, the film was a box office flop and Tōhō didn’t make another Godzilla film for 12 years.

Godzilla’s history has repeatedly reflected the changing preoccupations of this century and the last. As the biggest film star in the world graces our screens once more in Godzilla x Kong 3: Age of Titans (2025), the septuagenarian icon’s filmography will only grow more diverse. Go! Go! Godzilla!

This article has been published here courtesy of The Conversation, and has been authored by Steven Rawle, Professor of Film, York St John University/Main image on top by Judas from Pixabay

The post With Godzilla x Kong 3: Age of Titans (2025), the septuagenarian icon’s filmography to grow more diverse appeared first on The News Porter.

A major reason is Trump’s stance on issues like terrorism and immigration that resonates with some Hindu nationalist groups in India, who see him as a strong leader who will take a tough stance against Islamic extremism.

Quite a few Indians believe that Trump’s presidency shall lead to increased economic cooperation between the USA and India, particularly in areas like trade and technology.

Then there’s Trump’s unconventional and populist style of politics which appeals to some Indians who feel disillusioned with traditional politicians.

[Also, by the same author: We’re going to miss this gentle doyen of Kolkata’s print-era journalism – The News Porter]

President Trump’s friendship with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his positive statements about India during his campaign also contributed to his popularity among some Indians.

India, ‘Tariff King’

However, not all Indians have supported Trump’s candidacy. A major reason is that the tariff policies imposed on India during his first term were quite protectionist.

Trump has consistently labelled India a ‘tariff king’ in the first term (2017-2021), and even during his current campaign. There’s concern among Indian exporters to the US about when, and in what form, he will be imposing trade restrictions like in the past.

Let’s look at some of his Tariff Policies that have hurt India.

• Terminated India’s preferential market access to the United States in May 2019, citing India’s failure to provide reasonable access to its markets.
• Raised import duties on Indian steel and aluminum products.

Trump’s historic comeback for a second term also raises the question whether, like in his first term, he will again start a trade war with China – affecting India’s significant trade relationships with the US.

‘America First’ resonated once again from Trump’s victory podium – aiming to reduce the US trade deficit and promote domestic industries.

Resilient India

However, the silver lining for India could be its domestic demand-driven growth model and supply chain benefit — which may help mitigate potential trade frictions.

Overall, analysts predict that the Indian economy has reasons to be upbeat with Trump for the following reasons:

~ A ripple effect on India’s stock market is sure to happen with Trump extending tax cuts as his first action as president. This will make the saved money move towards equities – increasing investor confidence and boosting economic growth.

~ Resolving the Russia-Ukraine war, also on Trump’s priority list, will be a surefire way to bring about a drop in oil prices, reducing inflationary pressures – and consequently benefitting India’s economy too.

~ A weaker dollar, which Trump says will bring foreign investors, shall also make Indian exports more competitive in the global market.

Grover Cleveland won a non-consecutive second-term presidency 131 years ago. His ride was hitched on non-global issues. But Trump believes in being the bull in a china shop. The next four years may well be a roller coaster ride for India too.

Picture: President Donald J. Trump holds hands with Prime Minister Narendra Modi as they take a surprise walk together on Sept. 22, 2019, around the NRG Stadium in Houston, Texas. (Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead/File photo sourced from Wikipedia)

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Donald Trump’s victory in the 2024 election – and his threat to impose tariffs on all imports to the United States – highlights an important problem for the global economy.

The US is a technological powerhouse, spending more than any other country on research and development and winning more Nobel prizes in the last five years than every other country combined. Its inventions and economic successes are the envy of the globe. But the rest of the world needs to do everything in its power to avoid being too dependent on it.

And this situation would not have been much different had Harris won.

The “America first” approach of Donald Trump has actually been a bipartisan policy. At least since previous president Barack Obama’s policy of energy independence, the US has been on a mostly inward-looking quest of maintaining technological supremacy while ending the offshoring of industrial jobs.

One of the major choices Trump made in his first term was to accept higher prices for US consumers in order to protect national producers by slapping high tariffs on almost every trading partner.

For instance, Trump’s 2018 tariffs on washing machines from all over the world mean US consumers have been paying 12% more for these products.

President Joe Biden – in certainly a more polite way – then increased some of the Trump tariffs: up to 100% on electric vehicles, 50% on solar cells and 25% on batteries from China.

At a time of climate emergency, this was a clear choice to slow down the energy transition in order to protect US manufacturing.

While Biden signed a truce with Europe on tariffs, it started a perhaps even more damaging battle by launching a subsidy race.

The US Inflation Reduction Act for instance contains US$369 billion (£286 billion) of subsidies in areas such as electric vehicles or renewable energy. And the Chips Act committed US$52 billion to subsidise the production of semiconductors and computer chips.

China, Europe and the rest of the world

This US industrial policy might have been inward-looking, but it has clear consequences for the rest of the world. China, after decades of mostly export-based growth, must now deal with massive problems of industrial overcapacity.

The country is now trying to encourage more domestic consumption and to diversify its trading partners.

Europe, despite a very tight budget constraint, spends a lot of money in the subsidy race. Germany, a country facing sluggish growth and big doubts on its industrial model, is committed to matching US subsidies, offering for instance €900 million (£750 million) to Swedish battery makers Northvolt to continue producing in the country.

All those subsidies are hurting the world economy and could have easily financed urgent needs such as the electrification of the entire African continent with solar panels and batteries. Meanwhile, China has replaced the US and Europe as the largest investor in Africa, following its own interest for natural resources.

The incoming Trump mandate might be a chance to fix ideas.

One might, for instance, argue that the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and the thousands of deaths and the energy crisis that followed, could have been avoided had the Biden administration been clearer to Russian president Vladimir Putin about the consequences of an invasion, and provided modern weapons to Kyiv before the war.

But the blame is mostly on Europe. Credit where it’s due, the strategic problem of becoming too dependent on Russian gas is something Trump had clearly warned Germany about during his first mandate.

There is a clear path forward: Europe could help China fix its overcapacity problems by negotiating an end to its own tariff war on Chinese technology such as solar panels and electric cars.

In exchange, Europe would regain some sovereignty by producing more of its own clean energy instead of importing record amounts of liquid gas from the US. It could also learn a few things from producing with Chinese companies, and China could use its immense leverage on Russia to end the invasion of Ukraine.

The European Union could also work harder on what it does best: signing trade deals, and using them as a way to reduce carbon emissions around the world.

This is not only about Europe and China. After decades of continuous improvement on all major dimensions of human life, the world is moving backwards.

The number of people facing hunger is increasing, taking us back to the levels of 2008-9. War is raging in Gaza, Sudan, Myanmar, Syria, and now Lebanon. The world had not seen as many civilian casualties since 2010.

For better or worse, it is unlikely that a Trump administration will reverse the path of lower US interventionism. It is also unlikely to lead any major initiative on peace, climate change or on the liberalisation of trade.

The world is alone, and America will not come to save it.

We do not know what will happen to the US. Maybe the return of Trump will mostly be a continuation of the last ten years. Maybe prohibitive tariffs or destroying the institutions that made the US such an economic powerhouse will make the US economy less relevant. But this is something Americans have chosen, and something the rest of the world simply has to live with.

In the meantime, the only thing the world can do is learn how to better work together, without becoming too dependent on each other.

This article has been used here courtesy of The Conversation and has been authored by Renaud Foucart, Senior Lecturer in Economics, Lancaster University Management School, Lancaster University/Image by Mediamodifier from Pixabay

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Donald Trump’s return to the White House in January 2025, combined with a Republican-led US Senate, was widely feared among international allies and will be cheered by some of America’s foes. While the former put on a brave face, the latter are finding it hard to hide their glee.

On the war in Ukraine, Trump is likely to try to force Kyiv and Moscow into at least a ceasefire along the current front lines. This could possibly involve a permanent settlement that would acknowledge Russia’s territorial gains, including the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the territories occupied since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

It is also likely that Trump would accept demands by the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, to prevent a future Ukrainian Nato membership. Given Trump’s well-known animosity to Nato, this would also be an important pressure on Kyiv’s European allies. Trump could, once again, threaten to abandon the alliance in order to get Europeans to sign up to a deal with Putin over Ukraine.

When it comes to the Middle East, Trump has been a staunch supporter of Israel and Saudi Arabia in the past. He is likely to double down on this, including by taking an even tougher line on Iran. This aligns well with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s current priorities.

Netanyahu seems determined to destroy Iran’s proxies Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis in Yemen and severely degrade Iranian capabilities. By dismissing his defence minister, Yoav Gallant, a critic of his conduct of the offensive in Gaza, Netanyahu has laid the ground for a continuation of the conflict there.

It also prepares for a widening of the offensive in Lebanon and a potentially devastating strike against Iran in response to any further Iranian attack on Israel.

Trump’s election will embolden Netanyahu to act. And this in turn would also strengthen Trump’s position towards Putin, who has come to depend on Iranian support for his war in Ukraine. Trump could offer to restrain Netanyahu in the future as a bargaining chip with Putin in his gamble to secure a deal on Ukraine.

Pivot to China

While Ukraine and the Middle East are two areas in which change looms, relations with China will most likely be characterised more by continuity than by change. With Chinese relations being perhaps the key strategic foreign policy challenge for the US, the Biden administration continued many of the policies Trump adopted in his first term – and Trump is likely to double down on them in a second term.

A Trump White House is likely to increase import tariffs, and he has talked a great deal about using them to target China. But Trump is also just as likely to be open to pragmatic, transactional deals with Chinese president Xi Jinping.

Just like in relations with his European allies in Nato, a serious question mark hangs over Trump’s commitment to the defence of Taiwan and other treaty allies in Asia, including the Philippines, South Korea, and potentially Japan. Trump is at best lukewarm on US security guarantees.

But as his on-and-off relationship with North Korea in his first term demonstrated, Trump is, at times, willing to push the envelope dangerously close to war. This happened in 2017 in response to a North Korean test of intercontinental ballistic missiles.

The unpredictability of the regime in Pyongyang makes another close brush of this kind as likely as Trump’s unpredictability makes it conceivable that he would accept a nuclear-armed North Korea as part of a broader deal with Russia, which has developed increasingly close relations with Kim Jong-un’s regime.

Doing so would give Trump additional leverage over China, which has been worried over growing ties between Russia and North Korea.

Friends and foes alike are going to use the remaining months before Trump returns to the White House to try to improve their positions and get things done that would be more difficult to do once he is in office.

An expectation of a Trump push for an end to the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East is likely to lead to an intensification of the fighting there to create what the different parties think might be a more acceptable status quo for them. This does not bode well for the humanitarian crises already brewing in both regions.

Increasing tensions in and around the Korean peninsula are also conceivable. Pyongyang is likely to want to boost its credentials with yet more missile – and potentially nuclear – tests.

A ratcheting-up of the fighting in Europe and the Middle East and of tensions in Asia is also likely to strain relations between the US and its allies in all three regions. In Europe, the fear is that Trump may make deals with Russia over the head of its EU and Nato allies and threaten them with abandonment.

This would undermine the longevity of any Ukrainian (or broader European) deal with Moscow. The relatively dismal state of European defence capabilities and the diminishing credibility of the US nuclear umbrella would not but help to encourage Putin to push his imperial ambitions further once he has secured a deal with Trump.

In the Middle East, Netanyahu would be completely unrestrained. And yet while some Arab regimes might cheer Israel striking Iran and Iranian proxies, they will worry about backlash over the plight of Palestinians. Without resolving this perennial issue, stability in the region, let alone peace, will be all but impossible.

In Asia, the challenges are different. Here the problem is less US withdrawal and more an unpredictable and potentially unmanageable escalation. Under Trump, it is much more likely that the US and China will find it hard to escape the so-called Thucydides trap – the inevitability of war between a dominant but declining power and its rising challenger.

This then raises the question of whether US alliances in the region are safe in the long term or whether some of its partners, like Indonesia or India, will consider realigning themselves with China.

At best, all of this spells greater uncertainty and instability – not only after Trump’s inauguration but also in the months until then.

At worst, it will prove the undoing of Trump’s self-proclaimed infallibility. But by the time he and his team come to realise that geopolitics is a more complicated affair than real estate, they may have ushered in the very chaos that they have accused Biden and Harris of.

This article has been reproduced from The Conversation and has been authored by Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham/Main Image by Kalhh from Pixabay

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Sharda Sinha, the ‘Kokila (cuckoo) of Bihar’, passed away at the age of 72, battling cancer. A pall of gloom descended everywhere after the doctors confirmed the news and Prime Minister Narendra Modi sent in his condolence message.

“Your prayers and love will always be with my mother. She has been called by ‘Chhati Maiya’ to be with her side,” tweeted Sharda Sinha’s son Anshuman Sinha.

Born at Supaul in Bihar in October 1952, Sharda Sinha studied at Bankipore Girls High School in Patna and then graduated from Magadh Mahila College before teaching music for around four decades at Women’s College in Samastipur.

An exponent of folk music, she soon became a synonym for Chhath festival with her songs “Uga ho Sooraj Dev” and “Hey Chhati Maiyya” becoming major hits. These songs became an inseparable part of Chhath when the devotees offer ‘arghya’ (tribute/prayers) to the Sun God.

PADMA AWARDS

Popularly known as “Bihar’s Kokila”, Sharda was bestowed with the Padma Award twice: Padma Shri in 1991 and Padma Bhushan in 2018. However, many people are unaware of the roadblocks she faced during her initial days.

Eight brothers and the sole sister, Sharda got married on May 8, 1970, to Braj Kishore Sinha who later became Deputy Director in Bihar’s Education Department. Sharda’s mother-in-law was not in favour of her singing folk or devotional songs. So miffed was her mother-in-law that she stopped taking food for two days when Sharda insisted on singing. It was, however, her husband and father-in-law who stood by her like a rock.

Since then, there was no looking back for Sharda who started rendering folk songs in her inimitable style at the All India Radio (AIR) concerts and other cultural programmes.

A family source says that once while performing before the legendary Begum Akhtar in the 70s, the latter suggested to Sharda that she should do riyaaz (practice) regularly – advice that helped the folk singer carve a niche for herself.

The big break, however, came when Rajshri Productions signed her for ‘Maine Pyar Kiya’, the Salman Khan and Bhagyashree-starrer blockbuster of 1989, in which Sharda Sinha’s ‘Kahe Tohse Sajna, Yeh Tohri Sajania’ became a chartbuster, thereby helping her career grow by leaps and bounds.

Rajshris repeated her in their next mega-hit ‘Hum Aapke Hain Kaun’ where she doled out another chartbuster: ‘Babul Jo Tumne Sikhaya’. By this time, she was often referred to as “Lata of Bihar” and “Begum Akhtar of Mithila”. It was then that veteran film-maker Anurag Kashyap signed her up for ‘Gangs of Wasseypur’ where she rendered her voice for the politically laced song ‘Tar Bijli Se Patle Humare Piya’, another chartbuster under her belt.

In the meantime, she focused on folk songs along with Thumri, Dadra and Bhajans, making her popular in countries like Mauritius and Suriname too, where the NRIs and the new generation started humming her devotional songs during Chhath.

Going by her popularity, the Election Commission of India (EC) appointed her as its brand Ambassador for the 2009 and 2014 Lok Sabha elections and the 2010 and 2015 Assembly polls. The purpose was her mass appeal would help increase voter turnout – a feat achieved successfully by the EC.

However, in 2017, she was diagnosed with multiple myeloma, a form of cancer which affects bone marrow. On October 25, 2024, she was admitted to AIIMS when she was diagnosed with septicemia and remained under doctor’s observation. Her situation turned critical two days back and she was put on the ventilator. She passed away on November 5 at around 9.30 pm. Sharda Sinha was cremated in Patna on November 6 with full State honours.

“Main jaldi aaongee (I’ll come back soon),” she posted on social media in September after her husband passed away one-and-a-half months back. Her death (within 45 days of her husband’s passing away) provides the clearest evidence of their love story.

Also, by the same author: Bihari Babu avenges his defeat by winning in WB, romps home from Asansol as TMC candidate – The News Porter

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On July 13, shortly after Donald Trump was targeted by an assassination attempt, Elon Musk, the billionaire owner of X (formerly Twitter), tweeted to his more than 200 million followers:

I fully endorse President Trump and hope for his rapid recovery.

Musk’s efforts to influence who wins the US presidential election have continued. For example, over the past three months, he has donated more than US$100 million to a political action committee called America PAC that’s promoting Trump.

But our new research (currently available in preprint form) indicates Musk may be wielding influence in other more subtle ways as well. However, the platform’s increasing opacity to researchers makes this difficult to say for certain.

Shortly after Musk endorsed Trump’s presidential campaign, there was a statistically anomalous boost in engagement with his X account. Suddenly, his posts were getting much higher views, retweets and likes in comparison to other prominent political accounts on the platform.

This raises suspicions as to whether Musk has tweaked the platform’s algorithm to increase the reach of his posts in advance of the US presidential election. It also demonstrates the problems with how social media platforms like X are currently regulated around the world.

Musk has history when it comes to tweaking X’s algorithms so his own content reaches more people.

Last year, he reportedly mobilised a team of around 80 engineers to algorithmically boost his posts. This came after his tweet supporting the Philadelphia Eagles during the Super Bowl was outperformed by a similar one from President Joe Biden. Musk seemed to confirm this happened, posting a picture depicting one woman labelled “Elon’s tweets” forcibly bottle feeding another woman labelled “Twitter”.

To see whether Musk has done this again in the leadup to the US election, we compared Musk’s engagement metrics – such as the number of views, retweets and likes – with a set of other prominent political accounts on the social media platform. The data spans the period from January 1, 2024, to October 25, 2024.

Other political accounts that served as a basis of comparison include those of right-wing commentators Jack Posobiec, Tucker Carlson and Donald Trump Jr. Our study also examined accounts at the other end of the political spectrum, including those of US Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, US Senator Bernie Sanders and Vice-President Kamala Harris.

Since July, engagement with Musk’s X account has seen a sudden and significant increase.

The view counts for his posts increased by 138%, retweets by 238%, and likes by 186%.

In contrast, other prominent political accounts on X saw more moderate increases: 57% in view counts, 152% in retweets, and 130% in likes.

This suggests that while engagement went up for all accounts after July, Musk’s metrics saw a particularly large boost, particularly in retweets and likes.

The research further found that since July, other conservative and right-wing X accounts have performed better in terms of visibility of posts compared to progressive and left-wing accounts.

The Conversation sought comment from X about the research, but did not receive a reply before deadline.

Without backstage access to the workings of the company, it is impossible to know for sure whether changes to its curation system are boosting its owner’s posts. The platform has limited the access it provides to researchers since Musk took over. This means there are restrictions on the amount of data we were able to collect for this study.

However, the Washington Post recently found that tweets from Republicans are far more likely to go viral, receiving billions more views than those from Democrats. Similarly, an investigation by the Wall Street Journal revealed that new users to the platform “are being blanketed with political content” that disproportionately favours Trump.

Since Musk’s purchase of the platform, it has become more congenial to figures on the right, including people who were previously banned for spreading harmful and false information.

The findings raise the question of the extent to which Musk’s influential social media platform is reinforcing its owner’s political agenda.

Musk, whose businesses have extensive government contracts, has made a public and financial spectacle of his unabashed support of Trump. The billionaire tech tycoon is reportedly Trump’s second-biggest financial donor. He also promoted Trump in a glitchy live interview on X and authored a stream of tweets promoting Trump’s campaign.

Musk is also handing out $1 million a day to selected registered voters. This plan (which has met with questions over its legality) apparently aims to boost voter registration among sympathisers in swing states.

Musk’s actions have torpedoed the fantasy that social media platforms such as X are neutral. Given he has previously tweaked X’s algorithm to amplify the reach of his posts, it would be surprising if he were not tilting the platform in favour of Trump, whom he believes is “the path to prosperity”.

For too long, social media platforms have enjoyed immunity for the information they selectively inject into users’ feeds. It’s time for governments to reconsider their approach to regulating the oligopolistic power over our information environment wielded by a handful of tech billionaires.

(Main Image of Elon Musk: By Mohamed Hassan from Pixabay)

This article has been reproduced from The Conversation and has been co-authored by Timothy Graham, Associate Professor in Digital Media, Queensland University of Technology, and Mark Andrejevic,Professor, School of Media, Film, and Journalism, Monash University, Monash University. The NewsPorter bears no responsibility for the views/content of this write-up.

The post US presidential election: Is Elon Musk wielding influence in subtle ways? appeared first on The News Porter.

The Chhath festival is celebrated to pay obeisance to Sun God and Chhathi Maiya by offering ‘Araghya’ to the setting and rising sun, and by following the other rituals with full dedication. This festival is mainly celebrated in Bihar, Jharkhand, and eastern Uttar Pradesh.

The Bihar government has chipped in to nurture the massive tourism potential of the festival. For the first time, the state tourism department has chalked out a Chhath tourism package so that tourists can understand the nobility of the festival and also watch the devotees offering ‘Araghya’ to the rising and setting sun on Chhath ghats along the banks of Ganga River.

Bihar Tourism Department PRO Ravishankar Upadhyay told this journalist that the cruise has a sitting capacity of 250 people.

Upadhyay said the response to the guided tour for tourists for watching the Chhath ghats in the state capital Patna has evoked good response so far. “The response would have been much better if the air fares had not been as high as they currently are,” he added.

This year, the four-day Chhath Puja begins on November 5 (tomorrow) with Nahaya-Khay, followed by Kharna the next day. On November 7, devotees will offer Araghya to the setting sun while they will offer Araghya to the rising sun (known as Paran) at the same place the next day.

Bihar Tourism Department has prepared two tour packages – stretching for two nights and three days, and three nights and four days – for enthusiasts who can watch the Chhath celebrations along the Chhath ghats prepared on the Ganga River banks in the state capital. One can book the tour packages by visiting the website of the Bihar State Tourism Development Corporation (BSTDC).

State Tourism Minister Nitish Mishra said the government is trying to attract domestic and foreign tourists by preparing special tour packages for them. To make the tour packages more attractive, visitors will also be taken to various tourist places in the state capital.

During the Chhath festival, tourists will be taken to the houses of devotees so that they can know the importance of the festival and the rituals associated with it. In addition, they will also have a chance to have ‘prasad’ at the houses of devotees.

Dhanajay Kumar Pandey, a native of Bihar who was working in Kampala (the capital of Uganda) until a few years ago, said that his family along with other families from Bihar and other states used to celebrate Chhath puja in Kampala.

“Even local people were very much interested to know about the festival,” said Pandey.

“Chhath puja inspires curiosity among all sections of the society, irrespective of where they come from and can attract people from all parts of the country and the world,” he remarked while applauding the Bihar government’s efforts in this regard.

The Sun Temple in Baragaon near Nalanda, where new paddy, sweets and fruits are offered in worship, has emerged as one of the most sought-after places for Chhath enthusiasts and tourists.

Nalanda district, whose administrative headquarters is Bihar Sharif, is home to the ancient Nalanda Mahavihara, a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Every year, the Bihar tourism department organises Rajgir Dance Festival, a colourful festival of classical and folk dances, in the city of Rajgir – an ancient city surrounded by hills, known for its holy sites.

The Chhath festival is celebrated without any guidance from a priest, adding another uniqueness to the festival.

Tourists are also attracted to the festival for delicacies associalted with it like thekua (also known as Khajuria, Tikari and Thokni, it is an Indo-Nepalese cookie popular in Southern Nepal and the Indian states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh), and coconut rice laddu, the way these are prepared and presented. These delicacies are prepared with complete devotion.

Thekua is made from whole wheat flour, jaggery and ghee and is fried until it becomes golden brown and crispy. The symbolism of thekua in the festival is in its purity and simplicity in offerings made to the Sun God.

Thekua is offered to tourists and visitors, and they relish this delicacy with a sense of complete satisfaction.

The pictures of the cruise ships have been provided by Dheeraj Sinha. All pictures used in this article have been used for illustrative purposes only.

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Like two-headed playing cards, Joker stories are about dual identity, doubles and duplicity.

Throughout DC comics and films, the Joker turns others into facsimiles of himself, grinning widely. He shares his state of mind through infectious laughter and mass “clownification”, creating copies as he goes.

Film sequel Joker: Folie à Deux, directed by Todd Phillips and released in cinemas today, participates in this rich tradition. It also challenges it by introducing a Joker haunted by his own lost futures – the glam clown, homicidal entertainer and irresistible lover he could have become.

What can we learn from the Joker character about our cultural fascination with duplication and disintegration?

Madness by imitation

Doubling, split consciousness and double meanings have been ingredients in Joker stories since the character’s creation in the 1940s.

He offers different origin stories himself in the 2008 movie blockbuster The Dark Knight (with Heath Ledger as the Joker). He is presented as many in the recent comic series Three Jokers. The Joker shuffles his own “selves like a croupier deals cards” in the 2007 Batman comic The Clown at Midnight.

Within the DC clowniverse, the Joker turns others into Joker copies and clowns, usually through the use of biological or chemical weapons or poisons, virology, hypnotism or sheer charisma. Joker copies include Joker fans and followers in clown costumes and masks, as in the 2019 film starring Joaquin Phoenix. In comics he is described as having an influence that

[…] affects people, on an almost subconscious, primal level. For most people – regular people – he inspires fear. For the less stable people – he simply inspires.

For more than 80 years, his laughter has spread like a virus and caused mass-clownification countless times.

Multiplying his potency

Joker stories tend to revolve around three scenarios of imitation, doubling and multiplication: several people acting as one (that is, the Joker), one person acting as many (as in Batman: R.I.P. when Batman tries to understand the Joker by experiencing his state of mind like a second consciousness), and a number of personalities nestled within the Joker wreaking havoc. All of these scenarios are powerful reminders clown laughter and humour need not be funny.

The Joker character was inspired by famous films from the 1920s and ’30s, including Robert Wiene’s The Cabinet of Dr Caligari (1920), F.W. Murnau’s Nosferatu (1922), Fritz Lang’s Metropolis (1926), Roland West’s The Bat (1926) and Paul Leni’s The Man Who Laughs (1928). Many of these works feature hapless or unhappy (comic) performers, who all struggle with identity.

The cultural mould to which the Joker belongs is linked with the more than century-old fascination with doppelgangers, male nervousness, violent and involuntary laughter and the loss of agency and sense of the self.

Haunting through absence

The new sequel, Joker: Folie à Deux, draws on all these very Joker traditions. Arthur Fleck and his Joker (Phoenix again) struggles with his split identities.

Set two years after the events of the previous film, Fleck is a patient at Arkham State Hospital, where he meets the dual character Lee Quinzel/Harley Quinn (played by Lady Gaga). She wants him to lean into his Joker self.

Although she is neither the clown nor a scientist as she’s portrayed in other stories, she also wants to be a Joker version. Arthur himself wants to be the Joker, but for reasons both external and internal he ends up not really becoming the Joker we recognise from the first film.

The sequel is ultimately a trick played on the audience. “There is no Joker,” Arthur confirms at the end, just Arthur. Folie à Deux is about a broken dream’s loveliness.

The Joker is a collective dream that fails to come true. He appears in the form of fantasies. He is the past, but at the same time present and absent. This is how the concept of hauntology has been defined – a split between realities. The film glamorises and exploits disillusion as we watch the Joker and his future possibilities disintegrate.

In this way, Joker: Folie à Deux is a clown version of ruin porn, inviting us to enjoy the “decay” of a character. It gives us glimpses of a post-double version of the Joker, a non-Joker, left in pieces.

Joker: Folie à Deux released in cinemas last month (October 2024).

This article has been used here courtesy of The Conversation and has been authored by Anna-Sophie Jürgens, Senior Lecturer in Science Communication (Pop Culture Studies), Australian National University/Picture sourced from nextbestpicture.com

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A staggering one in three people in England lack access to nature-rich spaces within a short walk from their homes. Now, a growing movement is bringing nature back to cities across the UK. The Miyawaki forest method involves planting a diverse mix of densely packed native woodland trees – or “tiny forests” – that grow quickly in small areas, around the size of a tennis court.

Already, there are more than 280 Miyawaki-style forests nationwide. Tucked away within housing estates, school grounds and wasteland on the urban edge, these urban forests are growing faster than conventionally planted trees.

This tree planting approach was developed by Japanese ecologist Akira Miyawaki in the 1970s. Proponents argue that tiny forests create more habitat for wildlife and increase the capacity of land to store carbon, although few studies aim to quantify those benefits in western countries. If planted in a certain way, they can help create a more complete plant community structure from the ground up to the canopy.

This means that the forest has distinct layers from the slow-growing canopy species right down to the smaller shrubs and ground covering herbs. These habitats are self-sustaining, so after three to five years’ growth they apparently don’t need much maintenance.

The environmental charity Earthwatch Europe uses the Miyawaki method to plant tiny forests in urban areas. So far, with the help of local communities, they have planted 285 forests since 2022.

Some local councils and community groups are embracing this tiny forest revolution. At Tychwood in Witney, near Oxford, the UK’s first tiny forest now has an outdoor classroom area that’s used by schoolchildren and local residents who can work on citizen science projects and tree maintenance.

Since it was first planted in March 2020, the habitat has become home to insects, birds and lots of native plants such as oak, birch, crab apple, dogwood and goat willow.

But while a government-funded pilot project called Trees Outside Woodlands has received attention for its possible socio-environmental benefits, very little research has quantified how best to do this effectively. One report published by conservation charity the Tree Council shows that Miyawaki plots have significantly higher survival rates and are more cost-effective than non-Miyawaki plots. But lots of unknowns remain.

Despite recognition of the potential benefits, including carbon storage, biodiversity conservation and educational opportunities, there’s a lot of uncertainty about how to apply the tiny forest method in different climates, particularly in the UK.

Our recent study, published in the Arboricultural Journal, explores how suitable these tiny forests are within the UK context. Our interviews with 12 professionals (tree experts from academia or practitioners) reveal that while half of them supported the Miyawaki method, especially in specific urban areas such as schools and small parks, concerns remained about tree mortality and the high costs of buying saplings, prepping soil and maintaining trees. A few people told us that they could see potential in using unused farmland to establish tiny forests in rural settings too.

Climate adaptation is paramount and planting trees in urban environments has never been more important. Access to nature also improves people’s health and wellbeing, with green spaces helping to connect communities and reduce loneliness, as well as mitigate the negative effects of climate change, such as air pollution, heatwaves and flooding, and improve biodiversity.

As UK cities face both climate change and biodiversity loss, the tiny forest method offers a promising solution. There are still many challenges to overcome as this movement is still in its infancy – but it could be key to a greener, more resilient future.

This article has been used here courtesy of The Conversation and has been coauthored by Hanyu Qi, PhD Candidate, School of Architecture and Landscape, University of Sheffield, and Nicola Dempsey, Senior Lecturer in Landscape Architecture, University of Sheffield/Main image on top: Pixabay

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Nigeria has a unique elephant population, made up of both forest-dwelling (Loxodonta cyclotis) and savanna-dwelling (Loxodonta africana) elephant species. But the animals are facing unprecedented threats to their survival. In about 30 years, Nigeria’s elephant population has crashed from an estimated 1,200-1,500 to an estimated 300-400 today. About 200-300 are forest elephants and 100 savanna elephants.

The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) recently classified the forest elephant as “critically endangered” and the savanna elephant as “endangered”.

The country has never had herds in the multiple thousands, but its elephants have played a vital ecological role, balancing natural ecosystems.

Today they live primarily in protected areas and in small forest fragments where they are increasingly isolated and vulnerable to extinction. They are found in Chad Basin National Park in Borno State and Yankari Game Reserve in Bauchi State. Also in Omo Forests Reserve in Ogun State, Okomu National Park in Edo State and Cross River National Park in Cross River State.

Elephants in Nigeria are threatened by habitat loss and fragmentation, poaching and illegal ivory trade, human-elephant conflict and climate change. These issues are pushing them to the brink of extinction.

In August 2024 Nigeria launched the country’s first National Elephant Action Plan. The 10-year strategic plan aims to ensure the long-term survival of elephants in Nigeria.

But will it?

As a conservationist with research in elephant conservation, I think this plan is a promising initiative. It could ensure the survival of Nigeria’s elephants. However, the long-term sustainability of the elephant populations in Nigeria depends on how well the plan balances conservation efforts with economic development. The government must also be willing to support the plan. It must commit financial resources to carry out the plan.

Here I set out the threats to elephants in Nigeria and four urgent steps needed to save these animals. Taking these steps will help make the strategic plan a reality.

Threats to elephants in Nigeria

Expansion of agriculture, urbanisation and infrastructure development leads to habitat loss and fragmentation. The destruction of elephant habitats means that populations are isolated. This has made it difficult for the animal to migrate, find food and breed. At about 3.5% a year, the rate of forest loss in Nigeria is among the highest globally.

Poaching of elephants for their ivory and traditional medicinal value is another menace. Despite the ivory trade ban under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species, Nigeria-linked ivory seizures amounted to 12,211kg in the period 2015-2017. In January 2024, Nigeria destroyed 2.5 tonnes of seized elephant tusks valued at over 9.9 billion naira (US$11.2 million).

Human-elephant conflict is a growing challenge. As elephants lose their habitats, they encroach on farmland, leading to conflicts with people. Elephants damage crops. In retaliation, some communities harm or kill the elephants.

Climate change is another threat to the survival of elephants in the country. Water scarcity and food insecurity affect both humans and elephants. Elephants are forced to venture into human-dominated landscapes, increasing conflicts.

Saving endangered elephants in Nigeria

To save its elephants, Nigeria needs to take the following steps.

Strengthen existing protected areas: It is important to restore and safeguard elephants’ habitats. Existing national parks, forest and game reserves should be strengthened to prevent further destruction and fragmentation. Wildlife corridors to reconnect fragmented populations are also crucial. This should be based on management plans approved by government agencies, conservationists and local communities.

Combat poaching and ivory trafficking: Wildlife laws must be enforced to disrupt the ivory trade networks. The capacity of park rangers, wildlife law enforcers and local authorities to combat poaching must be enhanced. Advanced surveillance tools such as drones and camera traps must be provided. There should also be regular training for law enforcement officers to keep up with modern anti-poaching tactics.

Stricter penalties for wildlife crimes and effective prosecution of offenders will deter poachers too.

Promote human-elephant coexistence: This requires innovative and community-driven solutions.

One approach is the use of early warning systems and deterrent measures, such as beehive fences. They have been effective in deterring elephants from entering farmlands. Training and equipping local communities to monitor elephant movements can also help avoid conflicts. Compensation schemes for farmers who suffer losses from elephant raids can foster positive attitudes towards conservation.

Expanding public awareness and conservation education: Some Nigerians may not fully understand the ecological and cultural importance of elephants. Awareness of their role in maintaining ecosystem health and the consequences of their extinction is key to fostering support for protection.

Schools, community groups and media should be engaged in conservation education initiatives. This will promote a sense of ownership and responsibility for preserving Nigeria’s wildlife generally.

Why Nigeria must save its elephants

Saving elephants is not only a matter of preserving biodiversity but also ensuring the health of entire ecosystems.

Elephants are keystone species; they create and maintain habitats that support other species. They shape the landscape, disperse seeds, and create water holes that benefit a wide variety of wildlife. Losing them would have cascading effects on the environment.

Economically, elephants are valuable for ecotourism. They can provide sustainable income to local communities. Protecting elephants could be an alternative to poaching or illegal logging.

Culturally, elephants hold symbolic and spiritual value for many Nigerians. Their presence is linked to heritage and identity of communities.

Protecting elephants in Nigeria is not only about conserving a species. It is about preserving the country’s ecological integrity, supporting sustainable livelihoods, and safeguarding the natural heritage for future generations. The time to act is now.

This article has been used courtesy of The Conversation and has been authored by Tajudeen Amusa, Professor, Forest Resources Management, University of Ilorin/Main image on top from Businessday NG

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